by Don Irish, WAMM

Since the 1940s, Vieques Island, Puerto Rico, has been a site of training and preparation for U.S. war-making in the Caribbean and elsewhere. The regional invasions of Cuba (1961), Santo Domingo (1965), Grenada (1983), and Panama (1989), among others, and the attacks on Iraq in the 1990's were rehearsed, in part, at Vieques. The majority of the services to the Atlantic fleet is provided there.

Two-thirds of the island (east and west ends) were taken by "eminent domain," forcing the removal of many long-term residents. Currently, 8,000 to 10,000 civilians reside in the middle portion between the two military segments.

The long-term bombing and beach-landing exercises have severely damaged archeological sites, coral reefs, mangrove swamps, and manatees. Crashing bombs have contaminated air and water. The cancer rate is considerably higher than on the main island. The Navy denies the local fishers many hours and days for fishing, their livelihood, which also affects the whole Vieques economy. Much land that could be utilized productively is unavailable.

Puerto Rico is becoming increasingly militarized. The Southern Command moved there after leaving its bases in Panama. A major radar base is being constructed against the protests of the residents. Numerous other bases exist in Puerto Rico, the largest being Roosevelt Roads at the eastern end. Too, an "economic draft" persuades Puerto Rican youth to enlist in the military, especially those without funds for higher education; and the casualty rates in warfare have been high for them.

The past decade, 1990-2000, was the UN "Decade of Decolonization." The U.S. failed again to enable the Puerto Ricans to decide for themselves about their colony role. The U.S. Congress, executive branch, courts, military, EPA, and other agencies have the power to countermand whatever the Puerto Ricans "decide." The Puerto Ricans have less power over their affairs than any other Caribbean islands, independent nations or not. The UN "Commission on Colonies" has repeatedly voted by large margins against the U.S. in relation to Puerto Rico's continuance as the "world's oldest colony"--four hundred years under Spain; one hundred years under U.S.

Puerto Ricans are increasingly impatient with their anomalous situation. More than a dozen "resistance camps" on Vieques had been occupied for most of the past year, keeping the Navy from practicing war on the small island. On May 5, 2000, 300 armed federal agents rounded up another 150 persons scattered about in the bombing areas in more than a dozen encampments. They were all later "released" without arrests. The mayor of Vieques, all three major political parties, the bishop of Caguas, and many other religious leaders agree that "the U.S. Navy has to abandon the island." Given the economic dependence on the military for its input on the main island, those residents may not take the same position for removal of the U.S. military bases there.

The President's decision to grant release of fifteen to sixteen Puerto Rican political prisoners in recent months became an issue in the New York senatorial campaigns. Petitions were widely supported in 1999 by Puerto Rican and other representatives in the U.S. Congress, several Nobel Peace Prize recipients, a multitude of religious denominations and their leaders. The prisoners had been incarcerated for many years for activities in support of Puerto Rican independence, which is not a crime.

These individuals killed no one, robbed no banks, destroyed no property. They were convicted under "conspiracy" laws of the Joe McCarthy and Smith Act eras. They pledged to be nonviolent, as they had been, and were hereafter to have no associations with each other, even two sisters.

Rep. Young of Alaska introduced legislation in March, 1998, to provide for a referendum by the Puerto Ricans that would be legally binding. After a twelve-hour debate, the bill passed, 209 votes to 208. The Senate, however, never acted on the proposal. Many Puerto Ricans consider themselves a "nation" with their own language, art forms, culture, and territory. Previous plebiscites were initiated in Puerto Rico and involved no commitment for action. Many who favor independence vote for the "Commonwealth" status quo to prevent the statehood option from "winning." Other independentistas boycott such votes, contending that they are illegitimate since the islands were taken by force of arms in 1898.

Several developments have heightened the pressures for change: release of the prisoners, nonviolent challenges in Vieques, debate on the House bill, the UN decade of decolonization verdicts, movement from Panama of the Southern Command, opposition to the radar installation, environmental consequences for Vieques, and the killing of a person recently in a bombing practice. The movement for independence may have been strengthened.

Vieques Resources

Vieques Libre
viequeslibre@viequeslibre.org
www.viequeslibre.org

Vieques Support Campaign/IFCO
402 West 145th Street
New York, NY 10031
viequessc@hotmail.com
members.tripod.com/~palfrente/